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Cagayan, officially the Confederal Republic of the Cagayan (: República Confederal del Cagayán; Tiberico Mixto: Kumpederal na Republika de Kagayan), is a country located in Southern Kesh. It covers a total land area of 701,286 km2 with a population of around 110 million people as of 2021, making it the most populous state in Southern Kesh. It is a with diverse ethnicities speaking different languages across the country. Bounded by the South Kesh Bay to the south, it shares land borders with ?Gxea to the southwest, ?Thobe to the northwest, Aftarestan and Atargistan to the north, ?Plot 211 to the northeast, and ?Telakam to the southeast. Though Cagayan does not have a de jure capital, Cagayan City at the mouth of the Cagayan River often serves as the venue of government functions, making it the de facto capital.

Cagayan's documented history stretches across 3,000 years, though evidence of prehistoric human settlements dates back to 200,000 years ago in the. The first settlements in the area emerged in the around 11,000 years ago, which developed gradually into the Callao megalithic culture. Various civilisations emerged after it in the Calnoman period, surfacing as a diverse assemblage of pre-colonial polities, which included city-states, peasant republics, and chiefdoms, in a constant state of flux. The area fell under heavy Prabhati influence especially through the 6th century CE, leading to the commonplace adoption of Devanagism and the development of the Surat script. There were early attempts at local unification through empire, such as by the Pyu and the Maquilala, with varying degrees of success, but the region in general remained politically fragmented for most of the pre-colonial period.

In 1622, Agrana y Griegro began conquering and colonising Cagayan from its base in Cagayan City, establishing the Viceroyalty of the Cagayan that lasted for 250 years. During this time, the Marian Church played an important role in spreading and the, and Cagayan City itself grew as a hub of local trade. Native populations were subjugated and heavily exploited under the colonial government through corvée labour, leading to numerous rebellions. In the 19th century, a largely criollo-dominated nationalism emerged in Cagayan, leading to the Cagayano War of Independence in 1872 and the Declaration of Independence in 1877, where Cagayan gained independence as the Sovereign Nation of the Cagayan. However, the new state’s history after independence remained turbulent and marked with political and socio-economic upheaval. Disagreement over leadership led to the First Tupada in 1879 and the Wars of the Manifesto in 1880, ending with Cagayan under Alejandro de los Ríos as the Transitional Republic.

The rule of de los Ríos, known as the Ríato period, was characterised by economic prosperity and modernisation, but also political repression, a rise in inequality, and tensions leading to growing dissent. The Zurdazo movement grew in strength in the 1900s and overthrew de los Ríos in 1908, but he retook power in a coup d’état in 1911, which was ultimately defeated. The ordosyndicalist JANOS y FMT then attempted to launch its own coup in 1913, resulting in the Second Tupada, after which they took full control as the Directory. Under the Directorial State, the country underwent rapid industrialisation in pursuit of, and annexed Northern Cagayan by 1945, but was also known for widespread corruption and heavy political and cultural repression. Widespread dissent eventually led to the Third Tupada in 1972, after which the Directory was overthrown and replaced by the current system by 1981.

Cagayan is a, though with characteristics that tend closer to , operating primarily on in all levels and nationally governed by a. As a member of CISTO, it is markedly left-leaning politically, and it is also a founding member of SKECO along with Heiban and Prabhat. Since the fall of the Directorial State, government accountability and quality of life notably increased in Cagayan with the institution of extensive social welfare programs, but the country continues to struggle with poverty and inequality. Cagayan’s shape and position in the junction between Western Kesh and Eastern Kesh gives it a significant level of biodiversity, with a range of biomes and corresponding endemic species.

Etymology
The name Cagayan for the country is directly derived from the name of the Cagayan River. From there, it is speculated that the word Cagayan directly comes from a word for "river" from one of the in the area, cognate to  carayan,  cayayan, and  calayan, all of which mean "river" and go back to a reconstructed  *kaRayan. The word is most similar to or  cagayan which may well be the origin of the term, though whether it definitely originates in either language is contested due to their distance from the river itself.

However, though Cagayan was surely first used for the Cagayan River, reflected by the use of the phrase the Cagayan (: la Cagayan) in the country's long form name, the use of Cagayan to refer to the modern-day political unit is relatively recent and reflects a gradual development. It was first used for the old settlement at the river delta, which later became modern-day Cagayan City. After that, it became used for the Lakanate of Cagayan that emerged around the settlement, and subsequently the region approximating the range of that polity. This name for the region was later taken up by the Viceroyalty of the Cagayan, which was in turn taken up by the newly-independent Sovereign Nation of the Cagayan that replaced it, which later expanded northwards to encompass the modern-day bounds of Cagayan.

Precolonial Cagayan


The earliest human artifacts in Cagayan are chips of found in the foothills of the Kamarband and dated to around 200,000 years ago, while the earliest known modern human remains date back to 30,000 BCE. Cagayan is the site of domestication of, with later migration waves from the northeast bringing the cultivation of and. By 8,000 BCE, a widespread shift occurred with the rise of villages across the Cagayan Valley. In the subsequent formative eras, various cultural traits diffused throughout the area, such as and competitive gifting, along with the production of  pottery with geometric and animal motifs. The villages became more populated and grew in size, gradually developing into the urbanised Callao megalithic culture that emerged by 3,700 BCE. It relied on irrigated agriculture, conducted wide-ranging trade, and was characterised by the building of large ceremonial buildings such as. By 3,200 BCE, however, the Callao culture underwent a rapid decline, and the Post-Callao cultures emerged in the aftermath. These new cultures were characterised by, carving,  of still-unknown purpose, and most notably,  osteomancy, the practice of  by heating of a bone of an animal, often the scapula, and interpreting the cracks, which inadvertently began a form of proto-writing.



In the period 900–750 BCE, many parts of Cagayan transitioned from the into the. This transition is held by most historians to have encompassed several waves of migration both internally, mainly by, and from outside, the latter of which helped introduce iron smelting and. This was followed by the Calnoman period, named after Calnoman, the old term for the region. It was characterised by the appearance of various states and statelets, which included a diverse collection of, , , and. These largely centralised polities often had hectarchies, which served as advisory councils or even governing bodies, and coexisted with largely decentralised, mostly peripheral groups such as and   bands. The local writing tradition reached its height with the Tumang logographs, and the first written histories date from the early part of this period.



The Pre-classic era (c. 400 BCE–200 CE) was characterised by a second period of urbanisation, with new urban settlements arising across the region. The century was also characterised by political consolidation, as the smaller states that emerged at the beginning of the Calnoman period had by this time coalesced into at least 30 major units, collectively termed in historiography as the khuddaka-vrajyas "petty states", which were in constant flux as states fell and other states rose in their place. Over the course of this urbanisation, the height of the Calnoman period saw the ascendancy of various cities as major military and commercial centers. Soon after, the state of Pyu managed to annex and subjugate much of the region as the Pyu Empire in the 2nd century BCE. However, it collapsed by the century's end, after which competition ensued between several important political centers such as Xamadan and Iquillang. Despite its swift collapse, the Pyu Empire became the precedent for the concept of pangagajom, or.



During the Classic era (c. 201–1000 CE), Calnoman was largely dominated by the southern khuddaka-vrajyas that exerted political power as far north as Imus. However, they were also locked in a military stalemate, as it became impossible to consistently control lands outside one's core territory. In one instance, Panganuron of Adalang attempted to expand northwards, but he was defeated by Impopoc of Casumuran. When Panganuron's successor Adia Amagadilan attempted to expand eastwards, he was defeated by Isog Nidiamac of Agus. Isog then himself attempted to expand southwards, but was defeated by Ajac Imbadiao of Aliguan. As a result, warfare between states became less frequent as the various polities instead shifted towards alliances and tributary networks. The arts flowered as well, especially literature and philosophy, which experienced a boom as more works and tracts were being written in what is known as the Great Debate period. The region also became increasingly connected to the wider world as it became connected to the ?Silk Road during this time, while the khuddaka-vrajyas also made contact with the nearby Pascatyan Empire in modern-day Prabhat in 495 through Ghosha's expedition, the kingdoms of Ranai and Alahan in modern-day South Kesh, and later on, Heiban by the 8th century. These states exerted influence that penetrated local politics, as they became mangagajom of various local polities, but the region acquired more cultural traits from Pascatya during this period, such as Devanagism, Surat script, and numerous loanwords in Cagayano languages.



The Classic era was followed by the Post-classic era (c. 1001–1622 CE), which was characterised by an increasing shift of influence towards Heiban. Heiban had come to play an greater role in local politics at the expense of Pascatya, Ranai, and Alahan, which lost most of their influence, and their tributaries, to Heiban. In effect this further stabilised much of the region, and so local politics was largely determined by events in Heiban for most of this era. During this period, Heiban was coming into increasing contact with Kodeshia, and Kodeshi influence came to reach Calnoman through Heiban. Heiban itself would come under a civil war as the Lý dynasty rose to contest the power of the Vương dynasty, causing a short break in Heibanese overlordship and the War of the Ten Lords before the Lý reasserted Heibanese dominance over the region in 1235. The Lý themselves disappeared as Kodeshia under the new Zhou dynasty vassalised Heiban in 1237, though the new vassal-state retained mangagajom status until the Zhou dynasty itself collapsed in 1531 and was replaced by the Liang. Heiban, remaining under the rule of Zhou loyalists, broke away as the Zhou Empire of Heiban, but in the process lost most of its military power, and by extension, its status as mangagajom over its tributaries in Calnoman.

The tail end of the Post-classic era, also known as the Terminal Post-classic era, was characterised by internal and external struggles. Heiban sent four military expeditions to Calnoman in attempts to conquer the region from 1532–1533, leading to the formation of the Quintuple Alliance, led by Idunphapan, Pulamara, Diadaha, Calicuran, and Cagayan, in opposition. After the expeditions, however, and with the Heibanese threat subsiding, the Quintuple Alliance then became another regional alliance bent on enforcing its influence on the region, sparking a new period of conflicts. The state of Maquilala in the north, through conquest, formed the erstwhile Maquilala Empire which threatened to overpower even the Quintuple Alliance of the south, but it fell into a war of succession by 1557 and fragmented soon after. The Quintuple Alliance itself was increasingly becoming disunited, eventually dissolving by 1570 after a short internal war. The situation gradually returned to one of relative peace, which saw the rise of the Triple Alliance of Cagayan, Duaravira, and Muong Palam as a primary economic and political force.

Conquest and colonial era


Merandy had established colonies in nearby Ramay by the early 16th century, and Artemian ships began entering the South Kesh Bay through the Canbrict Strait soon after. Specifically, Agrana y Griegro was interested in trade with the region, and an expedition conducted by the explorers José Lechuga and Telesforo de Garzas visited Cagayan in 1581 and attempted to lease land from the Lakan Diayadeva to build an outpost with the objective of facilitating trade on behalf of the kingdom. However, they were rebuffed, and in an attempt to gain local influence, de Garzas intervened in a local dispute on the side of the state of Pinamungajan against Cagayan, but was killed at the Battle of Cusang, leaving Lechuga to return with what remained of the expedition to Agrana y Griegro.

Years later, the Agranian conquest of Cagayan began in September 1622 when Fernando de Soto founded the city of Espirito Santo in the peninsula. Upon arrival, Megauati V of nearby Amajauan, a tributary of the Triple Alliance, challenged the Agranians, but was immediately overpowered in the Battle of Espirito Santo and surrendered. As news spread, different polities sent proposals of alliance with the Agranians, most prominently the confederation of Inilauran, which suffered from protracted warfare with Duaravira. Though the Agranians had a slight technological advantage, the indigenous repertoire of weaponry by this time had included cannons, arquebuses, and muskets that could well match the conquistadores, and in greater numbers. The Agranians thus relied heavily on strategic alliances and support by indigenous forces in their fight against the Triple Alliance, who were finally defeated by 1631. The conquered territories, along with the states that sided with the Agranians, then became part of the new Viceroyalty of the Cagayan by 1640.



The main pillars of Agranian rule during the colonial era were the state and the Marian Church, though as Agrana y Griegro was a, the two were inseparable in practice. In the Viceroyalty, the state enforced as the only permitted religion, repressing all other religions then extant at the time, Devanagism and the traditional faiths, which was branded as paganism and punishable by death. A was established in Cagayan in 1642 to oversee the territory in concert with the viceroy, and the Diocese of Cagayan was established in 1643 to oversee the local clergy and the Church's operations in the colony. Many new Agranian towns and cities were created, some of which were built on older sites, and others on indigenous settlements, but despite this, the population of the Viceroyalty as a whole remained overwhelmingly indigenous during much of the colonial period.



The law of the castas was also introduced and attached to the new subjects, creating a hierarchy between the local and Agranian populations. Society was organised in a racial pyramid, with white people at the top, mixed-race in the middle, and indigenous people, called  at the bottom. There were also different subclasses for each casta, such that different sections of the same casta were treated entirely differently. Mestizos were divided between the true mestizos, born to white and indigenous parents, and the, who were born to white and mestizo parents. The quejos were sectioned between different groups, and by extension the mestizos born from these groups were also classified along these same lines. White people, meanwhile, were differentiated between the born in Agrana y Griegro itself and the  born in the colony.

The casta system led to the disempowerment of the indigenous peoples. Though exceptions had been made for the indigenous nobility that allied with the Agranians during the conquest, who were granted hereditary rights and privileges as the principalía, in general indigenous peoples under the Viceroyalty were disenfranchised and barred from running for, or being appointed to, public office. They, along with mestizos, were also subject to polo y servicio, a mandatory annual system of corvée labour. These, among other factors such as the aforementioned religious suppression, led to numerous revolts throughout the colonial era, which included the Aqueanon Revolt in 1653, King Amanicalao's War in 1712, and the Taga-ilog War in 1744, to name a few. Despite this, the Viceroyalty continued to expand northwards overtime by annexing dependencies and sending out expeditions to conquer territory, conquering as far as Calimuran in 1673, Paphacaza in 1712, and Imus in 1732.



The criollos were generally treated equally to the Tibericos for much of the colonial period, but by the 19th century, reforms were initiated that bestowed privileges on the latter at the former's expense. The immediate effect was that criollos became excluded from higher administrative and military positions, and that even lower officials were to be gradually replaced, leading to mutinies and rebellions. Within the Marian Church, the Edict of Desecularisation was promulgated, with Tiberico priests taking over local parishes from quejo and criollo clergy. As a result, a Cagayano nationalist movement emerged in the La Liga Cagayano formed by José María Costilla, spearheaded by the disenfranchised criollos who mainly spread their ideas through writing. A growing rift emerged in the movement, however, as the ilustrados simply desired equality before the crown, while the independentistas desired the colony's independence through armed revolution. Many independentista groups emerged that committed acts against the government, such as assassinations and sabotage, one of which, the Panon, initiated the Cagayano War of Independence.

War of independence


The execution of the Angeles Fifteen in 1864 caused widespread disillusionment among the ilustrados, including Martín Samaniego who subsequently became an independentista and founded the secret society of the Panon in December 1867. Other founding members included Andrés Iriarte, Teodoro Santiago, Elías de las Casas, Irineo de la Plata, among others. The Panon committed acts of sabotage over the following years while also preparing for a general uprising, gathering men and materiel, but they were discovered in December of 1871 under suspicious circumstances and forced to prematurely initiate the uprising the following month amidst a manhunt. In the event known as the Cry of Pinamungajan, the uprising began with a mutiny in Fort San Felipe Neri that the Panon came to the aid of, but despite a victory, Samaniego was killed in the fighting.



In the wake of Samaniego's death, leadership of the Panon passed first to Iriarte, who set up the Supreme Junta of the National Convention, better known as the Esperanza Junta after the town of Esperanza that was its headquarters. However, after the fall of Esperanza in 1873, the independentist forces disintegrated and were reunited shortly after under Elías de las Casas who occupied a significant portion of the east with the aid of Teodoro Santiago and Mariano Acevedo. The Malalag Congress was convened in 5 September that same year, and it signed the Act of Independence of the Cagayan, which also declared the abolition of slavery, corvée labour, and the Law of the Casta. After the Battle of Olongapo, however, the situation entered what could generally be described as a military stalemate, with the fragmented revolutionary zones of control coming to constitute their own states for the time being, as represented in the Congress.



The Malalag Congress did not solely consist of the Panon, and became increasingly divided between the unitary centralista and federal autonomista blocs, owing to a division in the hypothetical government of a newly-independent Cagayan. The centralistas under Severino Razon desired a strong central government based in the capital of Cagayan City, while the autonomistas were more diverse, varying in the desired degree of power of the central government. A portion was for a weaker central government and stronger local governments, while others were for the division of Cagayan into a collection of entirely independent states united in a league, which was the status quo at the time. Eventually, a compromise was reached resulting in the Congress essentially embodying a federal government, and each constituent state soon set up its own local government, though the centralist-autonomist split would continue to define Cagayan’s history after independence.



In 1876, the Agranian general José María Aguayo began the Christmas Campaign, quickly overrunning Congressional forces in initial battles at Mangubat and Magandiañg, but he was soon pincered at Guinabatan and had to retreat. The news of this retreat spread in Cagayan itself and the surrounding areas, galvanising local independentistas and leading to the Red Days, a spontaneous series of local uprisings and mutinies that led to Cagayan itself becoming divided between Viceroyal and independentista zones of control. The Congressional forces began a counter-offensive, and soon enough the Viceroyal forces were under increasing pressure. The Viceroyal forces suffered a blow as Aguayo was mistakenly shot by his own troops, and the final viceroy of Cagayan, Diego Porras, signed the Treaty of Esperanza, leading to the total independence of Cagayan under the Sovereign Nation.

Politics
Cagayan has officially been a   since the ratification of the Confederal Charter of the Cagayan on 15 August 1981 in the aftermath of the Third Tupada. The Charter provides for the separation of national powers between three bodies: the President of Cagayan, the Confederal Congress, and the national judiciary. In addition to the national government, the Charter also provides for the autonomy of its constituent states and cantons.

Government


The main body of national government in Cagayan is the Confederal Congress, a body that holds legislative and executive power. The lower house, the People’s Chambers (Camaras Populares), has 632 members directly elected for four-year terms with each one representing a state, canton, or rincon of the country, along with representatives from sections of the military. The upper house, the Chamber of the Senators (Camara de los Senadores), has 158 members from across the nation elected for six-year terms by. The People’s Chambers are meant to embody local and regional interests, to which the Chamber of the Senators acts as a counterweight, representing national interests. As an example of this, while the members of the People’s Chambers can only present national legislation that originates from referenda, senators, conversely, can submit potential legislation to Congress to initiate national referenda.



The President of Cagayan, currently Pablo Macairog, serves as the national. The President is elected by and among members of the sitting Confederal Congress, and has additional powers, such as some executive powers, though they still effectively serve as within Congress and continue to serve as a member thereof. One of these powers is the discretionary power to dissolve the Congress for early elections, famously used by Marco Itliong in 2003 in the aftermath of Padrinisación. Other powers include the ability to or  legislation (though the latter can be counter-vetoed by the Congress), and to declare a state of war, siege, or calamity. The president also has certain responsibilities, such as Congress at the end of a session, and generally representing the country abroad in. Aside from being part of the Congressional triumvirate composed of the Senate-President and the Speaker of the People’s Chambers, they are also advised on issues of importance by the National Council, composed of the Senate-President, the Speaker, and former presidents of the country, along with two sets of six members selected by both the Congress and the President.

The President also nominates members of Congress for a Secretarial Cabinet, which handles most of the Congress’s functions and comprise the largest part of the country’s national bureaucracy. For this occasion, the Congress forms the Commission on Appointments, which confirms or rejects the President’s nominations, and in the latter case the Congress can instead present its nominations. The Secretarial Cabinet is constituted by 27 secretariats, each headed by a Secretary, who has the responsibility of carrying out the secretariat’s functions, presenting data, and advising Congress on different affairs of the state such as, , and , among others. Aside from the Secretarial Cabinet, this procedure of nomination is also applied to other officials, like ambassadors and high officers of the Armed Forces of the Cagayan.

Political parties


Political parties were initially not formalised in Cagayan’s political system until 1983, up to which time they existed informally, though due to the nature of legislation in Cagayan the system remains to a degree. As a result, political parties have focused on the mobilisation and membership of citizens as. The laws pertaining to political parties were included in the Charter, explicitly forbidding parties that espouse ordosyndicalist or ideas. Francisco de Barra was charged with violation of this law multiple times, sparking concern over the rise of neo-ordosyndicalism.

Though historically Cagayan’s politics has been marked by a sharp divide between the left and the right, the shift at the end of the Third Tupada, called La Honda has caused the political scene to be dominated by the left, and instead the axis has shifted to support for either and. Since the 1986 elections, the People’s Front for Liberation (FPxL) coalition, composed of the PCC, Autochthon Alliance (AAA), and other leftist parties, has generally dominated Congress, though other parties at times have grown large enough outside the established coalition, most prominently Coalition of the Radical Left (CIRC) and Juntos para Nosotros (JxN), especially after splits and the occasional corruption scandal. The CIRC itself would go on to become an associate member of the FPxL in 2015.



Corruption scandals have been the main cause of shifts in the party compositions of the Confederal Congress. As an example, in the 2004 elections in the wake of Padrinisación and the succeeding dissolution of Congress by Marco Itliong, the CIRC and JxN gained seats at the expense of the other established parties, especially the Cagayano Social Democratic Party (PSDC) which lost all its seats and never recovered, disbanding in 2006. JxN itself then suffered in the 2008 elections in the aftermath of the Muñoz trials when they were uncovered to have been one of the parties receiving camarilla money, itself losing all but five seats in the Senate, which it lost in succeeding elections.

A particularity of Cagayan’s political system is the presence of delegates to the Confederal Congress, gathered as the Confederation of the Autonomous Communes (CCAA), nominally led by Sancho Echeverría. According to their mission statement, they are elected ‘simply to represent the people of their communes, in accordance with mandatory representation’, referring to the mandatory presence of a representative from a given administrative division, and the party acts only as a catch-all gathering for anarchists in Congress. However, there has been concern from the anarchist delegates, who have openly stated that their participation in electoral politics has become a contradiction for them.

Organized crime


Cagayan has historically been a center of organised criminal activity since the beginning of the 19th century, with the Cagayano mob dominated by groups called camarillas, though other international groups, most notably the Osorrai Balakirev Triad, have a presence in the country. Internationally, the Cagayano mob has been known for, , and , though domestically they take part in , , , , and. The earliest camarilla outfits emerged from gangs of gamblers called manunugál in the 17th century. By the 18th century, they were joined by extralegal hired companies-at-arms employed by landlords against bandits and rebelling peasants, and during this period began to coalesce into a subculture with its own argot, code of conduct, rituals, and initiation rites. This new set of outfits was later joined by newer groups originating from and veterans of the Warlord Era.



After the Second Tupada, the First Commission was founded as a quasi-governing body for the underworld during the Directorial State era, and the Commission later entered close collaboration with the government in an arrangement of mutual symbiosis. The state tacitly supported the operations of the various camarilla outfits domestically and even aided them internationally, making use of them as an espionage asset and to suppress dissent, causing their rapid growth. The mob, meanwhile, was able to take control of parts of the government, law enforcement, and military. During this period, Cagayan was described as a as the mob and the state melded into each other. However, the Third Tupada was followed by a heavy crackdown as the camarillas supported the Directorial State, and the Second Commission was formed soon after.

Currently, of the camarillas, the most powerful outfits include the Agcaoili clan whose territory traditionally included the Camuning region, the Cojuangco clan who have control of the port of Espirito Santo, and the overseas-based Palanca clan that controls Malantac. Cagayan City itself was decided to be a neutral zone that the clans of the Second Commission apportioned among themselves by neighborhood. Though the camarillas specialised in drug production and trafficking, since the passing of the Law of Total Allowance that fully legalised drug use within the country, they have since shifted to smuggling drugs internationally. Politically, officials have been exposed as taking bribes or soliciting support from the camarillas, most prominently in the Muñoz trials in 2007, and it is known that they have close ties to the neo-ordosyndicalist nueva derecha groups.