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The Najiluvist Red Wave, also known simply as the Red Wave, was a series of inter-linked risings across Anterra (but primarily within Artemia) relating to the at the time ongoing Veikan Civil War. As the Veikan Civil War was widely televised and reported on, the victories of the Veikan Communist Party early in the war and their eventual victory over royalist forces caused a ripple effect across leftist movements in Anterra. Through the 1970s several events happened either directly or indirectly linked to the Veikan Civil War such as an increase in general unrest from communists, acts of terrorism, insurgencies, revolutions and others. Although the effects of the Red Wave were mostly contained across the world, several major risings occurred through the period such as the XXX Civil War and major acts of terrorism in Alva which killed many civilians.

It's generally believed the Red Wave was caused by an already existing dissent within the general population of the nations affected, which was exacerbated with the victories of the People's Red Front in North Veikaia, causing a large number of youths to join local communist organizations and even illegal terrorist organizations. The victories of the PRF were seen by the dissenting population as proof that a victorious communist revolution was possible, and that a change in regime could be achieved in even the most autocratic of states.

Mursland
The 60s and 70s would see mass protests in east Mursland by ethnic Bohesians, who demanded independence for the lands east of the Traxí river. This succeeds decades of oppression by Martin I of Bonamech and Traxí, who influenced Mursian politics to only assist the economic rebuild in ethnic-Mursian regions. Protests were aggressively repulsed, with many deaths among protesters as a result. This would continue after the death of Martin I, as much of his scheming network would be inherited by Kiril Antov (leader Mursiya Palokis Parti), who saw support from Central-Artemian dictatorships. With very few improvements after the accession of Arkady III, who had promised to right the wrongs his father had done, national unrest rose. Foreign Ignotavist agents assisted the Bohesian movement since the late 60s, steering on support for a coup d'etat. However, many Bohesians felt sentiments for self-determination, and the movement slowly steered towards an independence movement.

With the declining health of Arkady III, a succession crisis commenced; natural succession fell to Prince Mihalou, who was already very unpopular among the general populous. Mursian politics steered to instate a different potential heir, of which the brother of Arkady III, Arkady Miroslau, was deemed the best suited for the title. Arkady Miroslau, who had done much humanitarian work during his brother's reign, would aim for better inclusion of the suppressed ethnicities in Mursland. Hence, Ignotavists forces supported conservative politicians in favour of Prince Mihalou, which would upset the Bohesians, which in turn would be recruited for an Ignotavist revolution. However, after various cabinet resignations, Arkady Miroslau would be installed as primary heir in April 1975, and by October would success his brother as Arkady IV.

With Arkady IV in charge, much of the Bohesian support fell away. Societal changes, stabilisation of politics, and economic successes cut away most of the potential insurgents. The failed assassination attempts on both Arkady IV and Iliyana Valeriev resulted in the arrest of most Ignotavist head figures. The revolution had died before it could start properly.

Alva
In Alva, Teutonic spies used the opportunity to incite unrest among the nation's youth and either directly or indirectly incited many acts of terrorism against the military dictatorship. The effort and its immediate effects were regarded as moderately unsuccessful, with the government's position only slightly swayed and the amount of damage being relatively minor. Despite this, many civilians and some government officials were killed. The last high-profile assassination that occurred during the unrest was of Karl Ritter von Morgenroth, Alvak Minister of Foreign Affairs, during a diplomatic visit to Mero-Curgovina in April 1979. With the events of the 1977 Catalinastraße U-Bahn bombing, public opinion regarding far-left extremism and their respective groups took a steep dive and would never recover, even after the 1980 Alvak Spring.

The failure of many attempted terrorist acts carried out by far-left groups paradoxically led to a massive internal political shift towards liberalization. For extreme leftists, compromise with the social democrats and liberals was seen as the only remaining way to reinstate a free democracy. For a majority of the conservatives in the Imperial Assistance Government, cooperation with the growing number of liberals was viewed as necessary to rein in and consolidate power without entirely giving in to socialist demands. The nationalists, growing increasingly unpopular and less in number, were effectively forced out of their positions. Despite the shift, no socialists would make it into the IAG before its dissolution in 1980 following the Alvak Spring; even today, the Communist Party of Alva remains a mostly underground movement despite the repealing of the National Security Act in late 2021.