History of the socialist movement in Tiperyn

The history of the socialist movement in Tiperyn spans from the late 19th century to the present day. Many parallel, non-cooperating movements and organizations operated, with a key splits between the country's urban and agrarian workers and ethnic Tiperyners/Haukvirthers and repressed Goidels.

It has been argued that Tiperyner socialism peaked in influence in the 1910s before the nation's entry into the Grand Campaigns. Variants of were prominent among Tiperyn's nascent, among the most influential being the Confederation of Strategic Labour (steel, coal, gunsmithing, shipbuilding) and Railways League. In rural areas—particularly in Western Tiperyn where the majority of Goidel agricultural workers reside—localist took root and remains prominent among Goidel independence militias such as the Soldiers of Goidelia.

Overview
The largest left-wing movement to exist in Tiperyn was the urban Syndicalist-Veizist movement that peaked in power from 1910 to 1922. In the broadest sense, the most powerful syndicalist organizations were trade unions that advocated for ethnic Tiperyner and Haukvirther urban workers. Their membership peaked just before their banning in 1922, fueled by the degradation of working conditions and labor rights in Tiperyn during the Grand Campaigns. While it's largely believed that the motives their working base were to meet their material needs and improve their conditions in the short term rather than philosophical or theoretical conviction, the educated and more radical syndicalist leadership theorized a transition from theocratic monarchy and to a federation of municipal workers councils coordinated by an encompassing national union. This would be accomplished via including strikes, protests and political violence enacted by the trade unions, as reformism was viewed as impossible in Tiperyn's authoritarian political system.

As a whole, Tiperyner socialist movements have shared, anti-aristocracy, and worker-centric values. Some have also advocated for secularism, due to the First Apostolic Church's interconnectedness with monarchy, nobility, and power in Tiperyn. Although, most prominent Tiperyner socialist organizations in the early 20th century were led by devout practioners of Apostolicism. Tiperyner syndicalists did call for the decoupling of the church from economic affairs, abolition of the religious paramilitaries like the Holy Guard (who were criticized as pure instruments of the monarchy), and purging over the highest-level clergy to enable its reform. But ethnic Tiperyners generally approved of the church's role over society otherwise. Goidelic socialists meanwhile, whose religious freedoms were brutally suppressed by the church, near universally called for the church's abolition.

Tiper-Haukvirther socialism was largely disconnected from Goidelic socialism due to racial segregation, which was generally popular with Veizists. Most Tiperyner trade unions, including the Confederation of Strategic Labour (KSA), barred membership to Goidels along racial lines. With the increasing centralization, democratic erosion, and national scope of Tiperyner trade unions entering the 1910s, this effectively barred Goidels from working in many key industries and living in the urban areas and mining communities dominated by them. Some relatively social progressive unionists advocated for parallel unions, whereby Goidels could form trade unions that mirrored Tiperyner unions in certain industries. However, leader of the Lieuv fan d'Veiz opposed parallel unions, wishing for the creation of a universal, general workers union encompassing all Tiperyner and Haukvirther workers in all industries, but not Goidels or migrant workers. Fan d'Veiz believed Goidels and foreign labor to be a threat to the Tiperyner worker. He de-humanized them as mere weapons wielded by industrialists, due to some of Tiperyn's labor laws not protecting Goidel and migrant workers and thus making desirable for anti-union employers.

Some historians believed that fan d'Veiz had created a by the early 1920s, and union policy had become progressively more anti-democratic, centralized, and violent. Fan d'Veiz excluded agrarian workers—both Goidel and Tiperyner—believing them to be too locally-focused and not capable, due to their circumstance and disconnection from the urban centers, of contributing to the wider national class struggle. Mainstream Tiperyner socialists grew to view decentralization as a fatal weakness among contemporary anarchist movements in countering the great power of the Tiperyn government and church over society.

In the midst of the Grand Campaigns, as trade unions were protesting the war and the rolling back of peacetime labor protections by the Tiperyn government, Empress Fede banned unions from operating within Tiperyn entirely. This sparked the 1923 Tiperyn arsenal strikes which were suppressed by the Tiperyn military. The Grand Campaigns was generally regarded as the beginning of the end for socialism as a mass movement in Tiperyn. With the banning of trade unions, syndicalist movements were harshly suppressed. The majority of the KSA's leadership, including fan d'Veiz, were arrested and executed in the wake of the 1923 arsenal strikes, which dealt an irreversible blow to uniting the various working communities throughout the country. Additionally, following the Grand Campaigns, the monarchy laid the groundwork for Tiperyn's current welfare state. In addition to some pre-war labor protections, such as the 55-hour work week and overtime pay, the Tiperyn government also instituted a policy of full-employment involving large infrastructure projects like the mass construction of public housing. Unemployment payments and other forms of social security were also introduced by the 1950s. Historians believe that by placating the immediate material needs of Tiperyner workers, combined with suppressing the nation's theorists and revolutionary thought leaders, the Tiperyn government was successful in degrading socialist influence over ethnic Tiperyner workers.

This was not true in Western Tiperyn, however, where the largely ethnic Goidel population remained oppressed and destitute, not reaping the benefits of the welfare and employment programs instituted in Tiperyner and Haukvirther cities. Additionally, with the independence of Airgialla, militant groups and underground labor associations had a significant source of foreign support; both materially and in terms of theoretical development. Tiperyn's anarcho-communist movements have been inherently tied with Goidelic liberation, pan-Goidelism and anti-Messianism. Due to the economic circumstances of most Goidel workers in the early and mid-20th century, they have also had a focus on workers in agricultural and other rural sectors as opposed to city workers. Goidelic socialism is broadly focused on the creation of democratic, self-sustaining working communes non-reliant on the urban centers. This decentralized, localist ideology has been cited as a reason for the movements' lack of leadership and unity of action during modern periods of Goidelic unrest and insurgency.

In the 1930s, a cohort of Tiperyner socialist intellectuals—influenced by continental theorists and newly formed communist states moved westward in an attempt to take charge of the Goidel socialist movement. These intellectuals saw themselves as a vanguard leading the uneducated Goidel peasantry into a coming revolution ignited in the west, in a manner similar to Volkovism. Progressive Tiperyner intellectuals and Goidel industrial workers, who were the minority of all Goidel workers, would be the class conscious revolutionaries who incited a separate peasant struggle. However, this largely urban phenomena of the 1920s and early 1930s, mostly limited to the provincial capital of Darimh, was not popular among Goidel peasants. The ideology was viewed as a form of Tiperyner co-opting the language of revolution. Tiperyner Volkovism had almost entirely disappeared by the 1950s.

Development of militarist syndicalism
A form of militarist syndicalism was among the revolutionary ideologies to rise to prominence with the death of the trade unions and declining influence of syndicalist thought in Tiperyn. Although it directly developed from Tiperyner syndicalist movements, formed by followers of Lieuv fan d'Veiz and radical elements of Tiperyn's conscript army, it is today regarded as a far-right ideology. It advocates for the overthrow of the Tiperyn monarchy, aristocracy and industrialist class as impediments to society and their replacement by a "dictatorship of unions" coordinated at the national level by the military. National, provincial and burrough governments, which were inherently tied to the monarchy and nobility, would be replaced by federations of municipal workers unions and employer associations united by the direction and needs of the military. It was argued when compared to competing leftist and liberal ideologies that by sacrificing ones individual liberties—many of which were not afforded to Tiperyn citizens at the time—the worker could secure their basic material needs and attain true self-actualization with the help of the state. But, in practice, Tiperyn would become a military dictatorship with local governing powers delegated to unions and other interest groups, whose council leadership would be tolerated based on their support of the military's interests. Most Tiperyn militarists were also staunchly xenophobic and anti-Goidel, and advocated for a harshening of Tiperyn's Goidelic segregation policies.

Like Tiperyner leftism, militarist syndicalism did not persist as a major influence in Tiperyner society as the material needs of the working class were increasingly met by the institution of welfare programs such as full employment and universal public housing. Additionally, while during the 1910s the Tiperyn military had been seen as a sort of vanguard of the people, being filled with conscripts who were seen as one with society, trust of the military and its increasing professionalism degraded from the 1930s to 1950s. But, while militarist syndicalism remained a small ideology and eventually dissipated, their rhetoric did hold some influence over high-level officerships in the Realm Guard specifically as late as the 1960s. Other than Goidelic libertarian socialism and anarcho-communism, Tiperyner militarist-syndicalism was one of the biggest political threats to Tiperyn stability during the mid-century. Anti-monarchical militarism is still regarded as a minor threat to the military's loyalty that is addressed by the integration of Holy Guard religious officers into Tiperyn military units, fulfilling a similar task to and political warfare officers in some communist and nationalist militaries.

One of the most famous adherents to Tiperyner militarist syndicalism was Piter Endrika, a Realm Guard captain who led a small mutiny during the wider trade union-led 1923 Tiperyn arsenal strikes and was executed after.