1973 Constitutional Crisis in Ostboland

The 1973 Ostben Constitutional Crisis was a political crisis in Ostboland triggered by the potential of a  with PAC members in the Treaty of Oradea. The crisis culminated in the of the then  Oliver Lindström in February of 1974 after the collapse of his Labour-lead government. After a series of complex inter-party negotiations, Karl Westerberg was appointed the head of a until scheduled elections in 1974. It is the only time in the 20th century that such a ministry has been formed in Ostboland. In any event, the Riksdag rejected the Treaty of Oradea.

The treaty, which proposed the creation of a Artemian Defense Community and a among the signatories, was seen to be fundamentally incompatable with the Constitution of Ostboland and Ostboland's policy of strict. Prime Minister Lindström, a committed Artemian integrationist, pushed for ratification of the treaty over the objections of those within his own government and in the country. The treaty initially passed the Riksdag, but the members of the State Council argued the treaty could only be ratified via a (which required a ). When Lindström's government passed the treaty a second time over the State Council's objections, King Gustav V was advised to the treaty by the justices on the Council of Revision.

The threat of a royal prompted a political crisis. Lindström proposed a bill to "reorganize" the Council of Revision, which critics attacked as mere "court-packing." By this time, had broken out against the treaty and the public disapproved of ratification. By the winter, the government was in danger of being defeated by. In November 1973, The King initially refused Lindström's request for an, but did later agree to the Riksdag. By 1974, Lindström's government and the Labour Party had been so badly damaged that he was forced to resign. After being appointed prime minister, Johan Westerberg put the treaty before the Riksdag in June, and it was overwhelmingly defeated.

The crisis highlighted the scope of the and the constitutional importance of Ostben. The State Council was eventually reformed by subsequent amendments, but the role of the Council of Revision as the of the constitution still survives. The crisis defined King Gustav V's moderating role in Ostben politics, and signaled the fracture of the once-dominant Labour Party of Ostboland.

The cause of Artemian Integration in Ostboland was irrevocably damaged, as the public became more Artemian-skeptic after the 1970s. Since the 1970s Ostboland has never considered any treaty which fundamentally limits its in matters of  or. To this day, Ostboland operates its own foreign policy independent of other PAC members.

Background

 * Further Information: Constitution of Ostboland

As established by its Constitution, Ostboland is a. The Parliament of Ostboland is comprised of two houses, the directly elected Riskdag, and the State Council (Statsrådet), together with the King. Most executive functions are carried out by the Cabinet and the Prime Minister, who must enjoy the of the Riksdag. The King by contrast, is a nominal figurehead who rarely exercises. By convention, the King may act only only upon the advice of the government, the Prime Minister, and the King's 'advisory councils'. The King has two nominal 'advisory councils', the State Council, and the more important Council of Revision.

Like many other, the Riksdag is the supreme chamber of Parliament (in fact, in Ostboland the Riskdag is used synonymously with "Parliament"). In the 1970s the State Council was still a and  body. However, as is the case now, the Constitution forbade it from rejecting or amending money bills from the Riksdag. Furthermore, the State Council could only delay ordinary legislation, a delay which could be overridden by a second vote of the Riksdag. The one exception was on the subject of : an amendment to the Ostben Constitution required the approval of both houses, followed by a public. Before 1973, all were treated as ordinary legislation by Ostben governments. In 1894, the State Council did reject a proposed commercial treaty with Ringerike, after which the incumbent Liberal government resubmitted the treaty as a to sidestep the issue. In 1926, the Conservative government of Prime Minister Graff ratified the Treaty of Lusjvan without consulting the State Council, which had already adjourned for the winter (when the State Council reconvened, they ratified the agreement ).

The Council of Revision (Revisionsrådet), serves a twin function. It is Ostboland's highest constitutional authority, and officially advises the King on the use of his. The Council of Revision consists of Supreme Court Justices, ex-Justice Ministers, and appointed, though the exact composition can be modified by statute. The Council can rule on the constitutionality of legislation passed by the Riksdag. If it finds a proposed statute is, the Council can recommend that the King (withhold his assent) to the legislation. This is an absolute veto. Ostben monarchs have only rarely exercised this veto power, and only upon advice of the Council of Revision. Usually a Monarch signs all legislation, and only withholds their assent to a bill on highly technical grounds. Before 1973, a Monarch withheld their assent on bills 8 times in the 20th century. The most high profile, and controversial, of these veto'es was when Queen Alicia refused to sign a law in 1917 during the Great War. No Ostben monarch has ever withheld their assent to a treaty. Among the Monarch's other include the power to appoint and dismiss the Prime Minister, or to  or prorogue the Riksdag.

Typically, the Prime Minister tenders their to the King if they are unable to secure  or lose a. However, Prime Ministers have been compelled to resign when they no longer have the backing of their own party. As most governments in the 20th century were, such an event could be highly destabilizing when the in a coalition fractured.

Neutrality

 * Further Information: Ostben Neutrality

Ostboland has a formal policy of neutrality in. Ostboland's policy of originated largely as a result of the country's involvement in multiple wars in the 18th century against neighboring countries like Gardarike, Modrovia, Velkaia, and Ringerike. Resentment towards the old king and the nobility precipitated a  in 1808. The new formulated a foreign policy known simply as Deterrence, and enshrined it into the new constitution. Indeed, it is for Ostboland to maintain an official military alliance, or to start a preemptive war. Since 1808, Ostboland has not initiated any. However, Ostboland's military and government have been involved in and other military support functions, and the nation has fought to deter attacks on itself. Ostboland today is still a neutral and non-aligned country in regard to foreign and security policy. However, it maintains strong links to the Pan-Artemian Coalition.

The Pan-Artemian Coalition, an organization of Artemian nations, operates much like a political and economic union. Since the end of the Great War, the states of Central Artemia moved into closer cooperation with one another. In its earliest stages in the 1930s, Ostboland was an enthusiastic supporter of "Artemian Integration", as it believed it would prevent future in central Artemia. Over time however, it was clear that certain countries, like Gardarike and Modrovia were interested in a and  union. By the late 1960s, it was clear Artemian Integration could threaten Ostben neutrality. Ambassador Raul Folke called it a ".

Political
Oliver Lindström's Labour-lead government was elected in 1970. Labour, having won the largest number of seats in the Riksdag formed a with the Social-Liberals and the Left, which secured it a steady. Lindström had been elected as Labour leader after the of Prime Minister Ostergard due to. In accordance with pre-election promises, the coalition offered an ambitious and reformist legislative agenda. The State Council was still controlled by a block of Conservative and Agrarian, who delay and obstructed the government when they could.

Lindström's government, and Lindström in particular, were seen as being very receptive towards the Artemian Community, the predecessor of the PAC. At the time this slightly complicated matters, as Labour's coalition partners, the Left Party, were on the whole hostile to Artemian Integration. However, the government had little difficulty addressing such matters of in 1970, as the opposition Conservative and Center parties were also broadly in favor of Artemian Community. At a summit of Artemian leaders in 1971, the Foreign Minister Willy Almark said the aim of Ostboland was to be "".

Gustav V ascended to the throne in 1967 at the age of 31. At the time of the crisis, the King (38) was actually younger than his Prime Minister (Lindström was 45). However, the King kept scrupulously to his prerogatives, and wielded his own influence. For example, in 1972 the King successfully persuaded the Justice Minister, Lars Vermund, to appoint Chief Justice Peter Sarning to the Council of Revision, over Lindström's objection. In other instances, the King readily acquiesced to Lindström's requests, such as in government appointments.

Treaty of Oradea
The 1973 Treaty of Oradea, also known as the Third Oradea Round in Ostboland, was a proposed to the previous Treaty of Oradea signed by the members of the  Artemian Community. Due to the increased communist threat presented by nearby wars, a multi-lateral was proposed to the Treaty of Oradea This amendment officially proposed the creation of a Artemian Allied Defense Union, which aimed to  the militaries of the participating nations. The Defense Union would mandate military co-operation, create a common weapons market, and standardize. The new treaty's mentioned the necessity of protecting Artemia's, and fostering Artemian unity by deterring wars between member states.

During the treaty negotiations in 1972 and early 1973, Ostben diplomats participated, but did not take a leading role. A proposed Ostben amendment to the Treaty, which would have barred any military deployments by any state without  of the members was rapidly rejected. Similar proposals to restrict the size of national militaries were also set aside. Despite these and other frictions, leading Community members such as Modrovia and Gardarike expected Ostboland to ratify the treaty.

At home, within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs were skeptical the defensive  was compatible with Ostboland's constitution. The Chief Secretary of the Foreign Office called the Artemian Defense Union "a legal limbo machine." However, the government enthusiastically supported the treaty, particularly the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Willy Altmark. In Cabinet, Almark argued that if Ostboland ratified the new treaty, its could a Community-wide  policy of their own. Furthermore, some law officers argued that a did not technically conflict with Ostben neutrality, in the belief that a commitment to mutual defensive was not an act of aggression. Ostboland signed the Third Treaty of Oradea on June 16, 1973, to much fanfare.

Ratification Debate
In the summer, the Cabinet had already been consulted and gave its preliminary approval. Of its 17 ministers, the three members 3 from the Left Party expressed their "grave misgivings" about ratification. However, since Altmark enthusiastically supported the treaty, no other members from the Labour or their coalition allies, the Social Liberals, objected. In another meeting in July, the Cabinet again approved ratification, with the Left Party members abstaining. The Left Party leadership promised Lindström it would not actively oppose the treaty.

On July 23rd, Prime Minister Lindström commended the treaty to the Riksdag:

""Our Artemian partners are united in the belief that war, in all of its malestroms and tempests, should never again breakout between us. That is view I share - it is the view of this government - and of every government before us. Now we come in from these rains to shelter under this roof of common security. United in this way, we not only disabuse conflict within our house, but also without. Now, at last, we shape the fate of the continent as one community. ""

- Oliver Lindström

The government faced modest resistance. It's main coalition partners, the Social Liberals, were the most pro-Artemian party in Ostban politics. Meanwhile, the leadership of the opposition parties, the Conservatives and the Center, broadly welcomed the treaty. The biggest difficulty came from the Left, where the bulk of its MPs were opposed. Opposition was scattered among, , critics of the (both  and domestic weapons manufacturers), and the handful of MPs who believed the treaty unconstitutional.

After 5 days of debate in committees and then on the floor of the chamber, the Riksdag ratified the Treaty of Oradea on June 28th, by a vote of 303-86, with 12 abstentions. Though many celebrated the occassionsome, like Center MP Harold Ragmussen, saw the danger ahead:

""It is always dangerous as a politician to make predictions. But I firmly believe this treaty will fail. We move too quickly now, but soon people will see - that by this act - we have de facto abolished our neutrality. An idea so sacred, so inviolable, that either this treaty must fail at some point, or the people will revolt in the streets or at the ballot box. You gentlemen [of the government], sit on one hell of a volcano.""

- Harold Ragmussen, July 27th.

The King's Private Secretary telephoned the Prime Minister after the vote to express the King's congratulations on the government's achievement.

Public Opposition and Protest
One week before the Riksdag took up the 3rd Treaty of Oradea, on July 16, a snap OBT poll found support for the treaty at 68%. However, in the intervening months public sentiment rapidly shifted against ratificaiton based on the vocal opposition of several key groups. Leading Ostben, such as Heralden, Östberige Tiderna (OT), and Den Nationella Kabeln, ran scathing editorials. Many criticized the government for not doing enough to protect Ostboland from being bounced into a war. One Heralden editorial pointed out that, if a signatory nation launched a and was then, Ostboland was obliged to defend them, even if the signatory was at fault. The editorial ended with the phrase: "The Nation's security is at the mercy of Gardike troops." The popular tabloid Privat Öga was particularly opposed, running sensationalist headlines like "OUR SOVERIGNTY ABOLISHED" and "WOULD MODROVIAN AGGRESSION LEAD TO NUKES OBLITERATING OUR BEAUTIFUL COUNTRYSIDE?".

The COI (Council of Ostben Industry), as well as the F.S., Ostboland's largest federation, came out against the treaty on economic grounds, arguing that a formal alliance would damage trade with offended countries in the North-South Concordant and the League of Free Nations, costing millions in exports and thousands of jobs. The joint figures put out by the COI and F.S. were roundly circulated, though some experts speculated that they were wild exaggerations.

The Society of Jurists, the leading organization of, , and in Ostboland, sponsored a debate on the Treaty of Oradea in July. In early-August, the Society released a report in which it approved of the treaty's aims and policies. However, the Society concluded that the treaty's provisions for a and the  of Ostboland's military were "fundamentally incompatible" with the constitution. The Society concluded that a constitutional amendment must be passed to make the treaty legal.

By far, the most organized campaign against the treaty was lead by ( FFK), an Ostben organization  dedicated to. The organization sent out millions of leaflets and bought on TV denouncing the treaty for "bringing war to our children's doorsteps." Organizers planned a nationwide on the day the King would officially signed the treaty. Some of the organizations tactics were quite public. On August 2nd, Astrid Yolavik, a member of FFK who was 36 weeks, chained herself to the gates outside Rosendale Palace, the home of the , for three days. Eventually, the had to forcibly decouple Yolavik and  her for trespassing. Leading press outlets dubbed Yolavik a "champion for war's unborn victims." The so-called "Woman at the Gates" was a PR disaster for the government.

The government's attempted to recapture the political narrative, which was seen to only contain the damage rather than rally public support. Ministers went on a tour across major media outlets and in stump speeches around the country to defend the treaty and to curb what the government described as. The Finance Ministry released its own statistics which countered the COI and FS narrative, arguing that Artemian trade would increase with the treaty's approval. Two ex Ministers of Justice condemned the report by the Society of Jurists as being "mere hypothetical conjecture." By the end of August, the OBT poll found support for the treaty had dropped to 42%. By the end of September support had dropped to 36%.

State Council Rejection
On Wednesday August 15th, over two weeks after the Riksdag approved the treaty, the State Council took it up for debate. By the time the State Council took up the measure, many peers had already expressed their doubts about the treaty. The Labour parties in the chamber promised the peers that if the State Council rejected the treaty, the Riksdag would immediately override them. The opposition was lead by the Conservative Edumnd Forsberg, a fellow of the Society of Jurists. Forsberg proved to be an effective, drawing out debate on the clause by clause till the end of August. Forsberg is credited with persuading many peers that treaty should be submitted to the people as a. On August 31st, the State Council rejected the treaty by a vote of 71-29: a combination of Forsberg's constitutional bloc, along with and Artemian-skeptics.

As usual in such a case, the State Council submitted the bill back to the Riksdag to reconsider. However, the took the extraordinary step of attaching a note explaining why they rejected the treaty. In the Midnight Memorandum, the explained that the Treaty of Oradea was not ordinary legislation, because it would "blatantly alter the Constitution of this Kingdom by mere ," specifically by "repealing Ostboland's strict prohibition on military alliances." As the Riksdag alone did not have final say on what the meant, the Riksdag could not pass the treaty by ordinary means.

There celebrated in the streets of Elleholm when it was announced that the State Council rejected the treaty.

The Cabinet immediately released a statement condemned the State Council's actions. Prime Minister Oliver Lindström accused the State Council of attempting to "subvert" the elected government. Several Ministers spoke out in the Riksdag and on television accusing the of blackmail, using its opposition to the treaty to damage a  government they did not like. Others criticized the State Council's rejection as a form of constitutional vandalism; the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court explained that the State Council could not define for itself what was, or was not, a bill that amended the constitution: "that is a function of the Riksdag". Finally, some argued that no prior treaty had ever before been unconstitutional, so there was no precedent to proscribe a constitutional amendment.

The "Housewives Affair"
After the State Council's rejection, the Cabinet met on September 1st and 2nd to decide their next steps. Once again, the Prime Minister and the Foreign Minister supported the treaty, and wanted to the State Council without a bill authorizing an. This time however, more Ministers expressed their opposition. The most prominent opponent was Lars Vermund, the Minister of Justice. Vermund was reported as having been persuaded by the State Council's ; Vermund wanted the treaty repassed by the Riksdag as a constitutional amendment. The Cabinet split 11-6 in favor of simply repassing the treaty bill, rejecting Vermund's argument.

On September 5th, the Riksdag once again took up the Treaty of Oradea. A vote to confirm the treaty would send the bill directly to the King for his signature. During the debate, it became clear that the Left Party was now implacably opposed to ratifying the treaty. At the same time, the Conservative Party leader Daniel Hägg, who had initially supported the treaty, announced he now opposed the treaty on constitutional grounds. In response to these calls for a, Foreign Minister Almark responded with a speech in the Riksdag in which he bemoaned the thought of consulting "mere housewives":

""I deplore the nation that any policy by this great country should be delegated to the most uninformed, on a question which they know the least about - condensed to a yes or no referendum. I mean - these are matters of peace or war - the destiny of Artemia - to be consulted upon by mere housewives - or aged pensioners - or partying students. . . no we elect our government for such matters ""

- Willy Almark

The "Housewives Affair" was politically explosive. The press immediately picked up on the comment and it was on the front page of every and mentioned on every  the next day. The government's position was seen as being massively out of step with public opinion: a majority of the public opposed the treaty, and a majority favored holding a referendum. The remark further cemented the view that Almark and Prime Minister Lindström were out of touch. The remark was followed up by a speech the next day by Justice Minister Lars Vermund. In his speech, Vermund directly attacked the policy of his own government and criticized them for not taking the question seriously. These remarks violated, which was unheard of in Ostboland up until that time. As he walked off of the floor of the Riksdag, Vermund scribbled on a Post-it and slapped it on Lindström's desk.

As the vote approached, the government was confident it would be victorious, but only just so. Many of the Artemian-integrationists in the Conservative and Center Party MPs had switched sides, while the Left Party and Vermund's supporters were doing what they could to obstruct the government. On September 8th, the Riksdag repassed the Treaty of Oradea by a vote of 213-185, with 3 abstentions. This meant that the Riksdag could effectively bypassed the State Council's objection and submit the treaty directly to the King for his assent. Lindström was privately relieved: though he had lost a minister, he believed that the debate had been won and the sense of crisis was over.