1923 Tiperyn arsenal strikes

The 1923 Tiperyn arsenal strikes, known officially within Tiperyn as the 1923 coup were a series of loosely connected strikes in Tiperyn that took place during the Grand Campaigns between October and December 1923. It was organized to counter the monarch's banning of trade unions in Tiperyn after most opposed the state's rolling back of labor rights during wartime. Initially the core issue of the strikes was the right to, but a general anti-war sentiment and anti-monarchical sentiment rose to define them before they were broken up. Fascist, national syndicalist, and militarist elements also joined the strikes, seeing an opportunity to overthrow the reigning government, although the amount of actual cooperation between the left-wing unions and right-wing radicals is debated.

The strikes initiated on 4 October 1923 at the Blau Quarry north of Ambrosia, but rapidly grew in size after they were joined by the  at the Ambrosia Shipyards and various arsenals. By 31 October, industrial work had ground to a halt in the southern cities of Ambrosia, Oervakt, St-Danijelaparokie, and Njiboarn. Empress Fede ordered the Realm Guard and Holy Guard paramilitaries to break up the strikes on 10 October. However, several infantry companies of the reserve homeland army—disillusioned by the war and rallied by radical guard captain Piter Endrika—joined the unrest and overwhelmed local police at key points in Ambrosia and Oervakt. Endrika is generally regarded by modern historians as an idealogical opportunist. Although he was not a member of a union before their criminalization in 1922, he was heavily influenced by right-wing Tiperyner thought of the 1910s and 1920s. It is believed that Endrika's goal was to co-opt the strikes to incite the entirely conscripted homeland army fighting against Goidel separatists in Western Tiperyn to seize control of the state. He referred to the homeland army as "the future people's army", juxtaposed with the professional army and Fleet Expeditionary which he was skeptical of. Endrika's ultimate aim was to abolish the monarchy and peerage and purge the industrialists whose greed he believed to be an impediment to the military's growth in power.

However, aside from a handful of companies in the Realm Guard and one retired Colonel, no other military forces joined Endrika's cause. The "territorial army" that was being refit in Tiperyn after fighting on the continent, composed of the №1 Territorial Desert Riflists Regiment, Realm Chimchag Regiment, and several professional Fleet Expeditionary detachments stationed at the various naval bases in the south were diverted to break up the strikes. Religious paramilitaries, which acted as the monarchy's separate military force, were also deployed.

Following a series of violent clashes and firefights through November and December, the strikes were largely quelled by 13 December. The immediate goal of re-legalizing trade unions in Tiperyn failed, and labor rights did not improve during the war, but the monarchy did make several post-war commitments to placate industrial workers. Measures included a commitment to full employment post-war, partially accomplished by large scale public housing construction in urban centers. The pre-war standard 55-hour work week and one-and-a-half times overtime pay also returned in 1927 after the Grand Campaigns had concluded.

The strikes were reflective of a specific brand of Tiperyner nationalism and trade unionism prevalent in the country's southern urban centers during the 1910s and 1920s. It's often cited as a foil to the anarchist and libertarian workers movements prevalent in rural areas and agrarian industries, which had more Goidel workers. The main force leading the strikes, the Confederation of Strategic Labour (KSA), as a legal union pre-war did not admit ethnic Goidel workers and migrant workers. These groups of workers largely did not receive the support of Tiperyner dominant unions during their industrial actions of note. Among the most progressive in the KSA called for a system of parallel unions where each ethnically Tiperyner-Anglic union had its separate Goidel equivalent. Most did not favor allowing Goidel workers in cities at all, and used their influence pre-war to bar Goidels from working in certain industries where union membership was universal. Fascists and militarists such as Endrika agreed with the KSA in their sense of Tiperyner superiority. Both movements also opposed the monarchy and aristocracy. Although, rather than a democratic society with power vested in Tiperyner workers as the KSA wanted, Endrika envisioned a dictatorship of interest groups, including trade unions, which administered locally and supported the military as the ultimate national interest.

The betrayal of elements of the homeland army likely influenced Empress Fede to rely more heavily on her own religious paramilitaries and professional Fleet Expeditionary for fighting the war on the Tiperyn subcontinent.